A SEASON OF POLITICAL CHANGE IN SOUTH ASIA
Part II: Bhutan
[May 4, 2005]

“Bhutan must move with the times to ensure that the nation not only overcomes all internal and external threats, but continues to prosper in an atmosphere of peace and stability.”

King Jigme Singye Wangchuk of Bhutan, November 30, 2001

On the 26th of March, 2005, a new draft constitution was made available for the Bhutanese people to study and debate. Copies were distributed in Dzongkha and English and a website launched to make the draft and other related documentation available to them. In sharp contrast to the Nepalese monarch, the Bhutanese monarch has chosen the Taoist way, "yield and overcome," in the face of a growing pro-democracy movement.

The Swarna Rajagopalan Column

A Tibetan breakaway group formed Bhutan in the seventeenth century. The teachings and symbolism of the Drukpa sect of Mahayana Buddhism are the bedrock of Bhutanese identity.

The Bhutanese established a form of dual government, with the spiritual leader acting as the head of state and administration under the head of a secular leader. The latter office became subject over time to the machination of regional officers. Finally, in 1907, a treaty arrangement recognized Ugyen Wangchuk as the king, establishing a hereditary monarchy. Since the 1980s, being Bhutanese has come to be defined narrowly in terms of the language, diet and dress of the western and central Bhutanese.

On his accession, King Jigme Singye Wangchuk famously stated that the happiness and wellbeing of its citizens (Gross National Happiness) is more important than a mere rise in incomes. He has over time identified economic self-reliance, an unspoiled environment, cultural preservation and good governance through democracy as the bases of Gross National Happiness. This reign has witnessed a gradual end to Bhutan's decades of isolation, and many of his policies may be interpreted as an attempt to stem or manage the dramatic changes likely to follow. It is likely that trade-offs between cultural conservation and the genuine happiness of a diverse populace will necessitate new perspectives on happiness, survival and prosperity.

As a small, land-locked state, surrounded by its strongest cultural affine on one side (Tibet) and the two Asian giants on the others (India and China), survival anxiety was perhaps inevitable. The recent examples of Tibet and Sikkim could hardly mitigate this anxiety. Demographic changes within Bhutan, the shrinking global information village and pressures for political reform would be

Breathtaking Bhutan

formidable challenges without this concern about being culturally and politically overwhelmed.

Initially, Bhutan's rulers encouraged both immigrant agricultural labour and settlers from Nepal to work the hot southern reaches of the kingdom. The 1981 census showed that Bhutanese of Nepali origin constituted 53% of the population whereas the ruling community, the Ngalongs constituted 17%. Moreover, political mobilization among the Nepalese-origin community reflected that in Nepal, including demands for democratization. The government's response was harsh. New citizenship laws deprived many Nepalese-origin Bhutanese of their rights, creating yet another large community of the stateless displaced.

And the auguries were not good. Once more, displacement took place along historically porous frontiers and in the shadow of violent conflict.

The Bhutanese border with India saw the rise of refugee camps as well as a displaced population attempting to return to Nepal. Bhutan's relationship with Nepal came under strain because of this. Nepal could neither ignore the travails of Nepalese peoples in Bhutan, nor in practical terms, afford to reintegrate them into its already crowded plains. At the same time, the forested south has provided safe havens to many militant groups operating in India's northeast. Until recently, Bhutan has found it difficult to move decisively against them, fearing reprisals with which they could not cope. In early 2004, the Bhutanese government moved decisively to destroy militant camps in their territory, earning India's gratitude for the same.

From protesting against the disenfranchisement and displacement of the Nepalese-origin community to protesting the structure of political authority in Bhutan was a small step. Pro-democracy protests were not restricted to this community, either; other groups excluded from the political elite also made their discontent known.

More pervasively, change came through the legalization of television and the Internet in Bhutan in 1999. Until then, Bhutan's contact with the world, and the world's intrusions on Bhutan were strictly regulated. Very few tourist visas were (or are) granted; even now, only Druk Air transports travelers to the kingdom. Once television brought world news networks, Indian soap operas and cinematic offerings from Hollywood and Bombay, how could the floodgates of change be guarded?

While the kingdom's first response to change was repressive and exclusionary, in the king's plan to gradually devolve power there may be a more salutary reaction. In 1998, the king first devolved substantive executive power to the Council of Ministers. In 2001, he asked that a new constitution be drafted for the country. In March 2005, the new constitution was made available for public debate with the view that a referendum would be held at the end of the year to ratify it.

What does this draft constitution say? The very short charter (with just 34 articles) establishes a sovereign kingdom in which sovereignty is vested in the people. It deems that Bhutan shall have a democratic constitutional monarchy and all other forms of government shall be unconstitutional. The King remains both the Head of the State and the symbol of its traditional order.

Buddhism is clearly stated to be the spiritual heritage of Bhutan, and its values of ‘peace, non-violence, compassion and tolerance' are specifically mentioned. The King is to protect all religions in Bhutan. While religious institutions are charged with a positive spiritual and moral role, they are explicitly forbidden from playing a part in politics. Three provisions in the article dealing with culture speak of conservation while one admits culture is dynamic. That last too speaks of reconciling change with tradition. Citizenship is viewed also as trusteeship of Bhutan's ecosystem. There is no expansion of the terms or hallmarks of true Bhutanese citizenship under the draft constitution. Similar to the Indian constitution, long lists of rights, duties and principles of state policy follow. Some interesting variations: Bhutanese will enjoy the right to information and the right to privacy ahead of their Indian neighbours.

A bicameral legislature is proposed, with the indirectly elected, non-partisan National Council representing the dzongkhags (prefectures) and the directly elected National Assembly representing territorial constituencies. Political parties are central to most representative democracies; however, they are usually no mentioned in the constitution explicitly. In the Bhutanese constitution, there is provision for a multiplicity of parties in the political arena but within the National Assembly, only two political parties may operate. A run-off election will determine which these parties are.

The questions to ask about the changes made are:

• How broad-based are the definitions of national identity and citizenship?
• How substantive is the devolution of power?? How genuine is the space for political competition?
• What rights are made available to all Bhutanese and what remedies can they avail?
• Whether Bhutan's democratization is genuine, depends on how these questions are finally answered.

For now, as the debate gets underway, in Dzongkha and English, we can read the draft constitution and follow that part of the debates that is online at Bhutan's national newspaper, Kuensel.

More on Bhutan: Kuensel (weekly), the national newspaper.
Thinley Namgyel's A Window to Bhutan has some of the best online photographs of the kingdom.
The Centre for Bhutan Studies, devoted to research on Bhutan.
In search of fiction to read this summer, check out The Circle of Karma by Kunzang Choden if you are traveling to South Asia. It should be available in North America this December.

Next: Part 3: Maldives

Swarna Rajagopalan is a South Asian politics specialist. Her publications include State and Nation in South Asia (Lynne Rienner 2001).

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